Question

semester a
i do not know, from what has been said, that there is any difference of opinion as to the duty of abolitionists, at the present moment. how can we get up any difference at this point, or any point, where we are so united, so agreed? i went especially, however, with that word of mr. phillips, which is the criticism of gen. banks and gen. banks’ policy, i hold that that policy is our chief danger at the present moment; that it practically enslaves the negro, and makes the proclamation the emancipation proclamation of 1863 a mockery and delusion. what is freedom? it is the right to choose one’s own employment. certainly it means that, if it means anything; and when any individual or combination of individuals undertakes to decide for any man when he shall work, where he shall work, at what he shall work, and for what he shall work, he or they practically reduce him to slavery. applause. he is a slave. that i understand gen. banks to do—to determine for the so - called freedman, when, and where, and at what, and for how much he shall work, when he shall be punished, and by whom punished. it is absolute slavery. it defeats the beneficent intention of the government, if it has beneficent intentions; in regards to the freedom of our people.
i have had but one idea for the last three years to present to the american people, and the phraseology in which i clothe it is the old abolition phraseology. i am for the “immediate, unconditional, and universal” enfranchisement of the black man, in every state in the union. loud applause. without this, his liberty is a mockery; without this, you might as well almost retain the old name of slavery for his condition; for in fact, if he is not the slave of the individual master, he is the slave of society, and holds his liberty as a privilege, not as a right. he is at the mercy of the mob, and has no means of protecting himself.
it may be objected, however, that this pressing of the negro’s right to suffrage is premature. let us have slavery abolished, it may be said, let us have labor organized, and then, in the natural course of events, the right of suffrage will be
how does douglass use tone to effectively convey his message in “what the black man wants”?
douglass uses an angry tone to convey the idea that the black man is bitter about the absence of universal suffrage.
douglass uses a passionate tone to strengthen the logical arguments he makes about universal suffrage.
douglass uses a threatening tone to issue the inflexible demands he has prepared about universal suffrage.
douglass uses a sorrowful tone to elicit sympathy and guilt in hopes of achieving universal suffrage.

Explanation:

To determine the correct answer, we analyze each option:

• The first option claims an "angry tone" and that the Black man is "bitter" about universal suffrage absence. However, Douglass's tone is more passionate in advocating for suffrage, not angry or focused on bitterness.
• The second option states a "passionate tone" to strengthen logical arguments about universal suffrage. Douglass's speech is filled with passionate advocacy for Black men's right to vote, using logical reasoning (e.g., defining freedom as the right to choose employment, arguing that without suffrage, liberty is a mockery) and a passionate tone to emphasize his point.
• The third option suggests a "threatening tone" to issue demands. Douglass does not use threats; he argues logically and passionately for his cause.
• The fourth option claims a "sorrowful tone" to elicit sympathy/guilt. While the topic is serious, Douglass's tone is more passionate and argumentative than sorrowful or focused on eliciting guilt.

Answer:

B. Douglass uses a passionate tone to strengthen the logical arguments he makes about universal suffrage.